An analysis of conservative christian claims and secular popular culture

February 22, at 4: LGBTers love to verbally harass and demean their opponents. We can hypothesize that the browbeating is motivated by their intellectual insecurity concerning the philosophical soundness of their positions—and indeed, they have good reason to be insecure.

An analysis of conservative christian claims and secular popular culture

Messenger Debates about same-sex marriage and Catholic school funding suggest that religion plays an important role in Australian politics. But Australian political religion functions largely as an expression of a general cultural conservatism and institutional self-interest, rather than as an expression of personal religious faith.

An analysis of conservative christian claims and secular popular culture

For many Australians religion is about truth: Jesus was the son of God who died for our sins. For many believers, this faith implies specific moral propositions: In America from the s, evangelicals built a mighty social movement that transformed politics.

But they are only a minority of Australian Christians. Despite this, the National Church Life Survey found that only one in four of these claimed to attend church at least once a month. This division was apparent in the American presidential election. Committed evangelical voters were unenthused about Donald Trump in the Republican primaries.

However, he attracted strong support from voters who identified as Christian but whose personal lives often did not reflect Christian values. The group is what Ross Douthat calls the Christian penumbra. In Australia, evangelical Christians have much less political clout.

Their platform does not mention abortion or homosexuality, but celebrates small government. They are selling themselves more as conservatives than Christians. Few conservative elites are actively practising Christians; most are secular and libertarian in their personal lives.

An analysis of conservative christian claims and secular popular culture

There is no Australian equivalent of Vice President Mike Pence as a voice for Christian moral principles in government. Nick Cater draws on Emile Durkheim to argue that the truth or otherwise of Christianity is irrelevant — what counts is its symbolic role as an expression of social cohesion.

Christianity is for these authors like Anzac: Cultural Christianity is free of the burdens of religion such as humility and a consciousness of sin. Here lies the paradox of marriage equality. At the core of the religious objection to marriage equality it that it extends the sanction of the state to inherently sinful homosexual conduct.

But this view has almost no traction among conservative elites. Even the Australian Christian Lobby evokes the secular claims of religious freedom and child welfare as reasons to oppose marriage equality. Elite conservative opposition to a parliamentary vote is partially an effort to postpone their declaration of support for marriage equality.

But it also reflects the shift of many on the right to a politics of provocation and entertainment rather than conservative principle.

Trump and Milo Yiannopoulos replace Reagan. The result is a strange coalition against marriage equality: The political majority against same-sex marriage is not predominantly a religious one.

The debate about school funding displays a similar pattern. The decision by the Commonwealth government to fund private, initially Catholic, schools was a great victory for Australian Catholics.

For generations, the church hierarchy had argued that Catholic values must infuse all aspects of education. Priests called on Catholics to isolate themselves from a sinful world. The victory of was secured just as Vatican II and the social changes of the s knocked away the foundations of the old Catholicism.

Contemporary public support for religious education owes little to specifically religious belief. The Catholic school lobby is not a social movement of true believers but a mid-status educational service provider. Public policy, once set, is difficult to change: The Catholic school sector is a powerful lobby with deeply entrenched patterns of cooperation with government.

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Co-operation with the sector is easy for governments, but the power of the sector to mobilise voters is easily overstated. The government has sought to drive a wedge between individual Catholic schools and the Catholic schools lobby.

The Commonwealth Education Department has released data suggesting that Catholic education authorities short-change needy schools. Private school parents live the everyday conservatism of aspiration and order that underpins electoral success for the Coalition.Conservative Christians in Australia have attempted to mobilise religion in similar ways, but have not been able to gain a permanent foothold in our mainstream political culture.

Watch video · Pence delivered an address at Saturday's commencement ceremony at Hillsdale College, a conservative Christian college in Michigan that is the alma mater of quite a few individuals in Trump world.

Pence tweeted some of his lines from the speech, which focused on the state of Americans' religious convictions. This article is part of a series on: Conservatism in the United States.

an analysis of conservative christian claims and secular popular culture Circulatory and textual Karim over-multiplies its sweetening by learning and passing An analysis of the judgmental behavior in the society of the mankind in a certifiable manner.

Our real culture wars are not being waged between “God and country” conservatism on the one side and multicultural secular liberalism on the other. It now seems to me that our real culture wars are waged between Civil Religion on the one side and Christian orthodoxy on the .

The piece in question comes from conservative Christian C. R. Wiley, who argues that Lovecraft’s weird fiction can actually help to bring Christians closer to God by giving them a .

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